Let there be Light – Michel de
Montaigne
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Very few things happen at the
right time, and the rest do not happen at all; the conscientious
historian will correct these defects.
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Herodotus (484 – 432 BC)
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There are memories, and there
are childhood memories. Was it in Cologne? I believe to remember a
narrow
second-hand-bookshop along the boulevard between Neumarkt and
Rudolfplatz: I
perused the real cheap books on a rickety stand in front of the window
display.
I won’t call it an antiquarian – there was absolutely nothing posh
about
this graveyard for old books. Wedged in between creased pocket books
there was
something with faded gold on a frayed leatherback, very slim. Small
sized books
cast a spell on me, this one was almost too slim to be noticed – I
stretched
out my hand and there it was: The
Itinerary of Monsieur de Montaigne, a very thin octavo volume. I
opened the
book and immediately my eye fell on the name of a town in upper Bavaria
I used
to know only too well. I grew up there.
Michel Eyquem
de Montaigne (1533 –
1592) was born on a
Château, but his father drew up an idiosyncratic plan of
education that
banished the boy after birth to a small cottage, where he lived the
first three
years of his life in the company of a peasant family, “in
order to,” according to the testimony of Montaigne’s older brother,
“draw the boy close to the people, and to
the life conditions of the people who need our help.” After these
meager years
among the botched and lowly, Montaigne was brought back to the
Château and to a
private tuition that employed games, conversation, and exercises of
solitary
meditation, rather than books. A musician constantly accompanied
Montaigne and
his tutor, playing a tune any time the boy became bored or tired. When
he
wasn't in the mood for music, he could do whatever he wished: play
games,
sleep, be alone – the tutor made it a point that the boy wouldn't feel
his
education as a chore. In 1539, Montaigne was sent to study at a
prestigious
boarding school in Bordeaux under the direction of the greatest Latin
scholar
of the era, George Buchanan, and mastered the whole curriculum by his
thirteenth year. Afterwards he studied law in Toulouse. From 1561 to
1563 he
was a courtier at the court of King Charles IX. He was awarded the
highest honor of the French nobility, the collar of the order of St.
Michael. He was 24 and the appointed counselor of the Parliament in
Bordeaux, when in 1557 the flower of European aristocracy met to do
battle in the fields of Saint-Quentin. On both sides, everybody of name
or notoriety was present on this day – Emanuel Philibert, Prince of
Piedmont, better known by his title of Duke of Savoy, the Prince of
Orange, Aerschot, Berlaymont, Meghen, Brederode, the teenage
Condé and many young officers who would later become famous in
the wars of the Spanish Netherlands and France. The life and soul of
the Habsburg’s army was the Count of Egmont. His leadership and
personal valor won the day, a moment of glory before a steep fall. Soon
his imperial master would repay his services with betrayal and
execution. It was the beginning and high point of the nefarious regime
of King Phillip II.
The one man conspicuous for his absence on
this day, because he was campaigning in Italy, was Fernando
Álvarez de Toledo, 3rd Duke of Alba (1507 –
1582). He was the Pol Pot of
his period, boasting that even in a time of profound peace his
governorship over the Spanish Netherlands had cost the lives of 18,000
innocent people. On the battlefield he was perhaps the most consummate
strategist and tactician of the era. After his fall from favor he was
banished to his estates yet recalled to take command in the war against
Portugal in 1582, all this time remaining snapped in iron.
Europe
in those days was badly lacking in civil engineering; the sanitation
was a
stinking shambles, the all-pervasive reek of horse manure didn’t
politely stop
at the doorstep and instead followed you all the way to the bedroom.
Born into
the rank air and breathing it for all their life, most people never
seemed to
notice. Buying meat at the market was an affair of waving away a cloud
of flies
before the shank became even visible, and nobody had yet told the
farmers which
end of the potato plant was the edible one. In Germany, between writing
libel
against the Catholic Church – “the
Babylonian whore” – and throwing inkwells at the devil, Martin
Luther, obsessed about breaking wind and a good bowl movement, even in
his
conversations over a meal. The man was an oaf, but at the tables of the
highborn as well, they discussed with gusto the power of a well-cracked
fart.
In Catalonia it still is said to be the most popular topic at lunch. “Inter faeces et urinam nasimur” is the
mode to enter this world since times immemorial. No changes here! I
should
know; I had the stuff on me when I helped giving birth in a taxi.
Infant
mortality was still very high in the 16th and 17th century, but it
would be
unfair to accuse the parents of neglect. On the contrary, a new concept
of
childhood began to emerge and inaugurated the age of the nuclear
family. Montaigne
is an example! Children no longer shared their parents’ bed and enjoyed
–
or rather loved to hate – a prolonged period of schooling. For the
first
time in a thousand years, the little ones on early recall were again
laid to
rest in a marked grave.
This was the era of the ruffle – a disc of
cardboard with a hole in the middle for the neck and layers of plaited
linen or starched laces stitched to it; a sorry sight if caught in a
rain. Clothing and shoes was handmade and expensive, therefore mended
and
reused as often as possible. For the first time shoemakers paid
attention to the fact that people had left and right feet. It made good
shoes even more expensive. When nobody was looking the well-shod squire
on the way to church, instead of wearing them, was carrying the
precious pair in his hand to protect it from creasing and wear.
On every Lent the priest reminded his
congregation of the sacred duty to inform on suspected heretics. Should
you refuse to comply you were denied absolution, even if the suspected
person was a relative, your parent, child, husband or wife. If summoned
to the inquisitor, he would not tell you what it is all about. Instead
the first question was held in general terms, if you “had
ever seen or
heard anything which was, or appeared, contrary to the Catholic faith,
or the
rights of the Inquisition.” From his personal experience, says the
chronicler, he often saw “witnesses who
were ignorant of the cause for their citation, recollecting
circumstances
entirely foreign to the subject, but the examination continued as if
this was
exactly the object of their subpoena. Such accidental deposition then
served as
a new denunciation” (Llorente, Juan Antonio, 1756 – 1823). Should such interview lead to an arrest,
council was permitted, the defendant could choose from a list of
approved attorneys, but the defendant's nominal advocate was barred
from all communication with you, was not even told your name. He had no
powers to procure evidence and as his only source of information was a
paraphrased transcript of the interrogation without any specifics about
you and your circumstances.
This left the advocate with either
pleading in general terms his anonymous client’s innocence, or ask the
tribunal’s clemency – a mockery of legal forms, aggravating the evident
lawlessness of the proceedings. With no accountability to anyone, a
bench of clerics arrested on suspicion, ordered torture till
confession, and punished by fire. If you kept protesting your
innocence, the interrogator would first show you the instruments of
torture and if you still insisted break your resistance with the rack,
the rope and the pulley.
Torture took place at midnight, in the
light of torches. Splinters of wood were driven underneath the
fingernails and the metatarsals crushed in iron contraptions, the
notorious "Spanish boots." The period during which torture might be
inflicted could only be terminated by a confession. Even King Philip II
of Spain, not one of the squeamish by any account, attempted to curb
the use of torture, strictly prohibiting the repeated use on the same
charge. The inquisitors sidestepped the decree on a technicality,
pretending that the procedure was merely suspended, not terminated.
Confession was followed by execution.
The auto-da-fé was a solemn
spectacle. They dressed you in a yellow robe without sleeves,
embroidered all over with black figures of demons and leaving the lower
body uncovered. A large conical paper miter was placed upon your head,
with a picture on it of a man surrounded by flames. They would prey
open your mouth and arrest your tongue with a wooden clamp. If the
convicted was a priest, he was stripped of the canonicals and his
hands, lips and shaven head scraped with a shard of glass: it was
supposed to remove the oil of consecration. Then, with school children
taking the lead, you and your fellow convicts were marched in
procession to the scaffold. The magistrates, the nobility, the
dignitaries of the Church took position on the rear. The whole street
was reverberating with the chant of the 51st psalm. At the scaffold the
inquisitor formally delivered you into the hands of the executioner
with the ironic request “to
deal with you tenderly, and without bloodletting or injury.” If
you renounced in this last extremity and kissed the crucifix – but how
are you supposed to do that with this clamp arresting your mouth – they
mercifully strangled you before throwing you on the flames as a
"sweet savor to the Lord" (Exodus 29: 18; Ezekiel
20: 41).
Such was the
Inquisition, a
"heavenly remedy, a guardian angel
of Paradise, a lions' den in which Daniel and other just men could
sustain no
injury, but in which perverse sinners were torn to pieces" (Luis Cabrera de Córdoba,
1559 – 1623, Felipe II Rey de España, 1619).
To ferret out the "perverse
sinner," was not at all
difficult: "The inquisition well
administered is a laudable institution,” says the historian, “and not less necessary than all the other
offices of spirituality and temporality belonging both to the bishops
and to
the commissioners of the Roman see." Under the entries for June
1549 we read in the register of public expenses: "To Mr.
Jacques Barra, executioner, for
torturing twice Jean de Lannoy, ten sous. To the same, for executing by fire said Lannoy, sixty sous.
To the same
for throwing Lannoy’s cinders into the river, eight sous."
Men, women, and children were burned and their "cinders" thrown away
for not kneeling to a wafer, or for thoughts to which they had never
given
utterance, but which on inquiry they were too honest to deny. Even the
cemeteries offered no refuge.
The inquisitors rifled the graves for the
remains of dead heretics. The corpses were exhumed, mutilated and
burned. This was not merely an act of senseless vandalism. Invariably a
convict forfeited his property to the Inquisition, a strong incentive
to establish “guilt” in every conceivable way. Although passed
posthumously, such sentence opened access to the deceased’s property
for confiscation. So, when after months of incarceration and without
communication to the world outside, your only hope seemed to repent,
whatever you were asked to repent, and beg for “reconciliation,” the
stipulations for your release still included the loss of your
possessions. “Reconciliation” was the beginning of an unrelenting life
sentence.
On the next three Sundays you were ordered
to strip bare for a beating with rods from the gate of the city to the
doors of your church. You were not to eat meat for the rest of your
life, keep three Lents a year, and abstain from fish, oil, and wine for
three days in the week. Your only dress was a religious garb with small
crosses embroidered on each side of the chest. You were to attend mass
on every day and vespers on Sundays and festivals, recite service twice
a day and pray the pater noster seven times in the morning, ten times
at sunset, and twenty times at midnight. Your own children and the
children of your siblings were prohibited from holding office in the
Privy Council and courts of justice. The Nazis emulated this practice
under the term “sippenhaft.”
An astute despot like Emperor Charles V (1500
– 1558) was quick to
appreciate the
Inquisition as a means to secure the regime’s grip on his extended
possessions.
The imperial edict from April 26, 1550, instructed the presidents,
judges, and
bailiffs to render all possible assistance to “the
inquisitors and their staff in their holy and pious inquisition,”
and to arrest and detain every person suspected of heresy, “notwithstanding
of privileges or charters to the contrary.” Should suspicion
fall on a
man of the cloth, the inquisitor was to deal with him summarily "without noise or form in the process.” These
instructions were renewed and
confirmed by King Philip II, on November 28,
1555, and
their implementation caused the secession of the Netherlands.
The Habsburgs are still a pretty exclusive
club of aristocrats. In recent times they acted as brokers on the
backstage in the formation of a united Europe, but back in the 16th
century their family was a model for the Cosa Nostra, imposing their
protection racket virtually on every European principality. First
cousin marriages kept
it all in
the family with the inevitable toll of mental instability and
hereditary
deformities. It was not beyond such “aristocrat” of the bluest blood
and a
pedigree longer than my arm to put out a contract on his opponents.
King
Phillip II was stupid enough to leave a paper trail connecting him with
the
assassinations of Floris of Montigny, Prince William of Orange (1533 –
1584) – the
George Washington of the Dutch – and four attempts on Queen Elizabeth
of
England. In his dying days the old mobster planned the murder of his
own
right-hand man in the Netherlands, the Duke of Parma; a man astute in
his
duties and of unwavering loyalty to Phillip.
No surprise then that Montaigne,
while living in a neighborhood of Huguenots, and despite of many and
animated
conversations with clerics of the so-called Reformation, never
considered to
renounce his Catholicism. Lacking the zeal of a martyr, he witnessed
the auto-da-fés
and the killing of “heretics” in the streets. The new order of the
Jesuits
spearheaded the ideological counter offensive against Protestantism.
This was
the age of Ignatius of Loyola (1491
– 1556) and of Theresa of
Avila (1515 –
1582). Montaigne was 42 and had already retired
from public life, when Queen Marguerite of Valois instigated the
infamous plot for the massacre on Bartholomew’s Eve. On August 23,
1572, three thousand French Huguenots were killed in Paris alone, and
ten thousand in the rest of the country. The French king in person
discharged his hunting rifle into the crowds under his window. King
Phillip II warmly applauded the pious deed, yet this did not prevent
him from sending assassins after the next claimant to the French
throne. Phillip had his own plans for the succession, even asked the
pope for a dispensation to marry his own daughter from his third wife,
Elizabeth of Valois, because her dowry included a title to the French
throne. Spanish troops laid siege to Paris, the first and largest city
in Europe with 200,000 citizens according to the census of 1590. On the
meat markets the starving population traded the shanks of infants and
slain beggars. Yet to Phillip’s disgust it took Rome’s legate, Cardinal
Gaetano, only half an hour of animated conversation to make a Catholic
out of the Calvinist King Henry IV, followed by a full “pardon” of the
pope. Himself a model of profligacy, Henry was perceived and popular as
a leader of the earnest and the true. Hailed as the representative of
national liberty and human rights against regal and sacerdotal
absolutism, King Henry IV was in fact a remorseless despot by nature
and education, and a believer in no rights of the people save in their
privilege to be ruled by himself. In this he was the companion of the
vain and temperamental “Good Queen Bess” of England, who hated the love
of popular freedom in her own nation more than the Spanish enemy. False
as water in every relation in which human beings can stand to each
other, Henry IV found his most sincere admirer in the Turkish Sultan.
Yet he was also a soldier, a wit, a consummate politician, and above
all he was a real man. He is now known mostly for his bon mot that “every
Frenchman should have a chicken in his pot.”
King Phillip II ruled over the most
extensive empire ever known to men. According to the principle that
vast tracts of the earth's surface, with all the people inhabiting
them, were transferable from one man or woman to another by marriage,
inheritance, or gift, a heterogeneous collection of kingdoms,
principalities, provinces, and wildernesses had been consolidated into
an artificial union. The kingdoms of Spain, the seventeen provinces of
the Netherlands, the two kingdoms of Sicily, the duchy of Milan,
fortresses and districts in Tuscany, the kingdom of Barbary, the coast
of Guinea, an indefinite and unmeasured expanse of territory in Africa,
as many of the outposts and cities along the coast of the Indian
subcontinent as the Mogul emperor Akbar the Great (1542
– 1605) would permit to
occupy, the straits and the great archipelagoes in Asia, the
territories in Peru, Brazil, Mexico and the Antilles – all this vast
expanse of the habitable globe was the private real estate of Philip
II. By the most whimsical of political arrangements the Papua, the
peasant from Calabria, the merchant from Amsterdam, the Aztec, the Moor
of Barbary, the Castilian grandee, the roving Comanche, the aborigine
from Guinea and the Indian Brahmin became fellow-citizens of the same
commonwealth, although most of them remained oblivious of the fact.
Between these domains on dry land not an inch of water was traversed
that was not the domain of Philip. From Borneo to California the great
ocean was as much the king's property as the fishponds at the Escorial
with their carp and perch.
For
the first time Europeans traded with China without an intermediary.
Macao became the emporium
for the
exchange of Spanish silver from the West Indies against silk and
porcelain. Until
1911, the Mexican silver dollar became the new standard of Chinese
currency. The friar Gaspar da Cruz
published
a book on China in 1585, describing her geography, provinces, ruling
classes,
bureaucracy, shipping, architecture, farming, crafts and trade,
clothing,
religion, education, and justice. The book initiated in Europe a fad
for fine
china bone and painted screens with bamboo and pagodas on it. “The list of rarities traded, I could never
finish, nor have sufficient paper to write it down," said the
governor
of Manila, Antonio de Morga (1559
– 1636). The Italian Jesuit
Mateo Ricci (1552
– 1610) was the
first European allowed to enter into the Forbidden City.
One should therefore expect
enormous revenues drawn from all these possessions and privileges,
which
included royal grants to carry slaves to the Americas and the "crozada" and "cuarta," – petty money paid
to the crown by individuals for the liberty of abstaining from the
Church fasts.
The balance sheet in the king’s own handwriting – mixing personal and
state expenses, petty items and great loans – says otherwise.
Adding
up many millions due to the Fuggers and to other bankers in Flanders,
Seville,
and in Italy, plus the royal household expenditure, the pay due to his
guards, the
salaries of ambassadors and councilors, the subsidies for patisans of
the
Habsburgs abroad and the costs to keep his armies in the field, the
royal
bureaucrat arrived at a total demand upon his purse of ten million nine
hundred
and ninety thousand ducats annually. To meet this expenditure he
painfully
enumerated the funds upon which he could reckon for the next year.
Since his
ordinary rents and taxes had all been deeply pledged, he could only
scrounge
together some 200,000 ducats, the West Indian revenues and the yield of
the
mines included. "Thus, there are
nine millions, less three thousand ducats, deficient," Phillip
concluded (making a mistake in his figures in his own favor of 665,000
ducats),
"which I may look for in the sky, or
try to raise by inventions already exhausted." The possessor of
Peru
and Mexico would reckon on "nothing
worth mentioning" from his mines; the man who owned all America and
half of Europe was barely able to raise a million ducats a year from
his estates. Statesmen of the period estimated King Phillip’s
expenditure during his entire rule at a staggering total of 700,000,000
ducats, of which very little revenue in ready money was obtained from
Milan or Naples, or from any of the outlying European possessions of
the crown. Phillip’s chief source of income was a tariff upon both
imports and exports and the “excusado,”
the right to select from the
possessions of the Church a
single
benefice and to appropriate its fruit – a levy commuted generally for
an
annual cash advance. Besides these regular sources of income, His
Majesty sent monks
about the country under no special license, to collect alms from rich
and poor
while the whole of his regular revenue was pledged to pay the interest
on his
debts. Thus the master of the greatest empire on earth had at times no
income
at his disposal except of the “alma,” which he
solicited from the poorest of his subjects.
Nevertheless his resources were great. All
Italy was at his fingertips, with the single exception of the Republic
of Venice. Thus his armies were supplied from the best possible
sources. The Italians were esteemed as the best soldiers for siege
operations, for assault and light skirmishing. The German heavy
troopers and harquebusiers were the most effective force to assist the
squares of Spanish infantry in the open field. Year after year, for
more than a generation, Philip used Sicilian and Neapolitan pike men
and the cavalry of Milan to fight his battles. There was a profusion of
silk, corn, wine, and oil; Naples and Sicily provided in great plenty
the best materials for shipbuilding. The whole of Europe was embroiled
in a life and death struggle with the Ottoman Empire and the galleys
and the galley slaves furnished by Phillip’s subject realms supported
the incessant wars.
The
Turks had invented inoculating and dressed the wounds of their soldiers
with
slices of moldy bread, the first known instance of administering
penicillin;
yet the Europeans had the bigger guns. On October 7, 1571 it came to a
showdown
at the Greek island of Lepanto, the last engagement of two fleets
entirely
composed of galleys. The man who should become the innovator of the
modern
novel, the 24-year-old Miguel de Cervantes served as an ensign on board
of the
“Marquesa.” In the melee he received
three gunshot wounds, two in his chest, and his left hand was maimed
for life.
After the battle the commander Don Juan de Austria made the rounds
inspecting
the wounded and shook Cervantes by his remaining hand. The glory of
this moment
became Cervantes’ pride for the rest of his life.
Yet Spain, despite of the
imperial splendor, was not an opulent country; physical labor was
esteemed
dishonorable. The nobles frittered away their income in carousing,
gambling and
pompous exhibitions of equipage, furniture, and dress, while the law of
primogeniture reduced the basis of Spanish nobility to altogether 49
titled
families. Nearly every great estate was an entail, passed from eldest
son to
eldest son until the lack of a male heir endowed a daughter with the
possession.
Her marriage then transferred the estate to the house of her husband.
Another
immense portion of the national wealth, one third of the whole annual
income of
Spain and Portugal, belonged to the Church. Yet only the masses of the
entirely
uneducated, half fed, half clothed and unemployed, together with a
still lower
stratum of the "accursed,"
of the Africans and the natives in the American mines, was left to
provide for
the public revenue. The great nobles and priests were exempt from
taxation.
In
this murk of ignorance, religious fanaticism and thumbscrews, the Essays of Montaigne shine as a beacon of humanitarian
sensibility. When Blaise Pascal (1623 –
1662) was
reading the Essays, he acknowledged
with gritted teeth the brilliance, but not without accusing the author
of
covert atheism – or at least of an infidel’s libertarianism – the
mere suggestion of which could have moved the Christian ayatollah’s at
the
Sorbonne to turn Montaigne’s life into a living hell. Thankfully
Montaigne was already dead before it could come to this. At the age of
33, he
married
Françoise de la Cassaigne; she bore him six daughters, of which
only one survived
childhood. Montaigne began his career as a writer with the translation
of the Theologia Naturalis by the Catalan monk
Raymond Sebond. In 1595 Sebond's Prologue
was put on the Index Librorum
Prohibitorum for declaring the Bible the only source of revealed
truth. In
1571 Montaigne inherited his estate, the Château de Montaigne and
retired from
public life to the tower of the Château, his so-called "citadel", where he passed his days
as a recluse and assembled in his library a collection of some 1,500
books. He
set himself a program: “An. Christi 1571
aet. 38, pridie cal. mart., die suo natali, Mich. Montanus, servitii
aulici et
munerum publicorum jamdudum pertaesus, dum se integer in doctarum
virginum
recessit sinus, ubi quietus et omnium securus (quan)tillum in tandem
superabit
decursi multa jam plus parte spatii: si modo fata sinunt exigat istas
sedes et
dulces latebras, avitasque, libertati suae, tranquillitatique, et otio
consecravit. – In the year of
Christ 1571, at the age of thirty-eight, on the last day of February,
his
birthday, Michael de Montaigne, long weary of the servitude of the
court and of
public employments, while still entire, retired to the bosom of the
learned
virgins, where in calm and freedom from all cares he will spend what
little
remains of his life, now more than half run out. If the fates permit,
he will
complete this abode, this sweet ancestral retreat; and he has
consecrated it to
his freedom, tranquility, and leisure.” He began working on his Essays. Initially his model was Seneca’s Epistulae
Morales ad Lucilium, but
gradually Montaigne developed a voice of his own. His book earned him
immediate
fame and popularity with the libertines in the French aristocracy; John
Florio (1553 –
1625) produced
the first translation into English. William Shakespeare used it in Hamlet and The Tempest.
After publishing the first edition of his
book in September 4, 1580, on the height of Phillip’s scheming and
campaigning in France, Montaigne took a prolonged sabbatical until
November 30, in the next year. The idea was to visit upper Germany and
Tyrol, then cross the Alps through Switzerland, and travel the North of
Italy towards Rome. There he expected to have an interview with the
pope – nothing special really. For hard cash everybody got an audience
with the Holy Father.
His
arrival in Germany was on a rather unpromising note. “We were badly lodged at the ‘Eagle’ and
received from the landlord a sample of the barbaric German unruliness
and pride
over the quarrel of one of our footmen with our guide from Basel. And
because
the thing came even before the judges, the provost of the place – an
Italian gentlemen who has settled and married here – answered when
asked
whether the servants would be believed in their testimony on our
behalf, that
yes they would be believed, provided they were discharged; but that
immediately
afterward they could be taken back into service. This was a remarkable
piece of
subtlety” (Itinerary,
trans. Donald M. Frame). About the
men in this region Montaigne observed that “it is hard to distinguish the nobles, for
their velvet
bonnets are worn by just everybody, and everyone wears a sword at his
side.” It was considered polite to
walk on the left of your company, since walking on a man’s right hand
could have inhibited his freedom to reach for his sidearm. It didn’t
take long for Montaigne to recognize in the local breed a vainglorious
and choleric lot; many struck him as hard drinkers, which must be seen
within the period’s circumstances. Despite the first appearances of tea
and coffee as a luxurious treat, drinking alcoholic beverages remained
a necessity, the only way to escape the diarrhea lurking in every well
of fresh water. A sober man’s daily quantity was four bottles of wine
or beer. Even children drank from the second, less potent brew of the
beer – hence the term “small beer.”
Montaigne,
of course, would not have been a Frenchman had he not taken note of
the food. In
Spain and large tracts of France, the peasant’s daily fare was lentils
and beans
and, if you could afford it, mutton on Sunday. People of Moorish
descent had
macaroons for desert. At present Germany is not exactly known for
culinary
delights, but in 1580 “the
courses at their tables are changed frequently. Here
and often since, after the cloth was removed, they served new courses
with the
wine, little cakes – “canaules,” as the Gascons call them – then
ginger bread and a soft white bread cut into slices but still holding
together;
between the slices and also on top of the crust they toss a lot of
spices and
salt.” He even had a bite from a farm laborer’s sandwich: “the village
people serve their laborers for breakfast flat slices of a sticky cake
in which
there is fennel, topped with tiny bits of bacon and cloves of garlic.”
At the tables of the better inns the main courses were accompanied with
soups
of quinces and baked apples sliced in, and broths “into which everyone fishes together, for
there is no individual serving.” Which reminds me of an
anecdote
about the king’s bread – but I won’t go there. In fact this Frenchman
admitted that the “cuisines
of the French nobility hardly seemed comparable,” which does
make sense; after all this was still the period when the Italian chef
of Queen Jeanne d'Albret of Navarra taught the French how to cook
proper meals. The culinary traditions of France are comparably recent –
they barely antedate the French revolution, when the cooks of the
beheaded aristocrats were out of employ and went to Paris to open a
restaurant. Yet in the 16th century the only chef worth mentioning in
France, was the chef at the royal court and Montaigne regretted that he
had not brought along his own cook, so that the man could pick up
recipes and replicate the dishes for the table back home.
There
was fish in abundance, but the Germans appreciated it only as a side to
the
meat. “They
disdain trout and eat only the roe; they have lots of game, woodcocks,
young
hares, which they dress in a manner very different from ours, but at
least as
good. They mix stewed plums and pear and apple tarts with the meat
course Their
fruit for desert is only pears and apples – which are very good –
nuts, and cheese. Together with the meat they bring out a tray of
silver or
pewter with four compartments, in which they put various sorts of
powdered
spices; and they mix caraway which is tangy and hot with their bread;
and their
bread is mostly made with fennel.”
Montaigne was not the breakfast type but
sometimes he couldn’t resist accepting a slice of bread, fresh from the
oven, together with a bunch of grapes from the vineyards, to be eaten
on horseback. He had to be careful, he was plagued with gall bladder
stones, which time and again caused him excruciating pain in an era
when the man to be avoided like the plague was the surgeon. Most, if
not all practitioners of medicine in the 16th century were certified
quacks diagnosing you from a sniff of your feces. Dentistry was the art
of levering out a molar without breaking the patient’s jaw and you went
to the barber for the treatment. Only in the Andes the surgeons of the
Inca actually cleaned the cavities – with a glowing needle – and did
gold and silver fillings, even administered anesthesia. Advances lost
to the rest of the world with the fall of the Inca Empire.
In
the nights Montaigne missed his mattress but he appreciated the German
featherbed. As a French he had never slept under a duvet before. The
expenses for all these amenities did put a frown on the
face of
his bookkeeper. The good news was, you were told the price for every
item
upfront and there was some real value for your money: “The first thing we noticed at our arrival
was a strange arrangement, and one that shows the general cleanliness:
the
steps of our inn’s staircase were all covered with linen, on which we
had to
walk, so as not to dirty the steps, which they had just washed and
scoured, as
they do every Saturday. We have never noticed any cobwebs or mud in
their inns.
They often hang pewter plates against the wall, beside the beds, linen,
and
curtains, so that people may not dirty their wall with spitting.”
However there was one particular disappointment, an important issue for
a
Frenchman, or should I rather say, for “a man?”
“We did not
see even one beautiful woman.” Montaigne didn’t exaggerate. This was the
period of Lucas Cranach, Albrecht Dürer and the incomparable Hans
Holbein, exceptional painters who had eyes to see, but none of their
erotic paintings is even remotely stimulating.
Before he turned southwards to Italy,
Montaigne visited Augsburg. Today Augsburg is just a dot on the
Bavarian map. In 1580 it was home to the Fuggers, then arguably the
wealthiest dynasty of bankers on the planet, wealthier even than the
Medici. The fortunes of the Fuggers had sprung from a monopoly on the
local salt trade, and their bank was able to bail out the Spanish King
Phillip II from bankruptcy, not once, not twice, but three times in
return for profitable franchises in the West Indies. Then, on the 20th
of November, 1596, King Phillip II came to the realization that “the whole
of
his regular revenue was pledged to pay the interest on the crown’s debt”
(John Lothrop Motley) and the king defrauded the entire
business world, revoking all the assignments, mortgages, and other
deeds by which the royal domains, revenues, taxes, and other property
had been pledged to merchants, bankers, companies and private
individuals. By then the bankers in Amsterdam charged Phillip II with
33% of interest a day on the advance of ready cash. All the gold and
silver of the Americas could not satisfy the demands. So the Court of
Spain formally requisitioned all collaterals, taking them back into the
crown’s possession and renounced all obligations. It was the Black
Friday of the 16th century. The effect was catastrophic. 2,5 millions
of bills of exchange came back on the same day – all protested. The
chief merchants and bankers of Europe suspended all payments. Their
creditors declared insolvency. At the Frankfort fair there were more
failures in a single day than there had ever been in all the years
since Frankfort existed. In Genoa alone, the administrator confiscated
a million florins of interest. On the exchange in Antwerp there was a
general cry of desperation, in every office, in every palace, in every
cottage people looked at each other with pale faces. Such a tremendous
repudiation of national debt was unheard of. There had been fraudulent
schemes and debasements of currency before, but never on such a scale.
It caused the downfall even of the mighty Fuggers, yet it didn’t wipe
them out entirely. The ‘Fürst Fugger Privatbank KG’
is still run by the same family, offering to Augsburg’s local elite
their
services as an investment bank, and in their vault they still keep the
receipt for
1,000 kg of ingots advanced to the crown of Spain – it was the first of
several. In the end the man who had been the cause of their fall got
what he
deserved; plagued with excruciating gout, Phillip II died a slow death
in his
bed: the maggots literally ate him alive.
Montaigne
entered Augsburg, when the Fuggers were still on their peak and the
city was the financial
capital of the world. Compared to the
splendors of Florence and Venice a rather unassuming capital but not
without
its amenities. The Fugger’s
palace was roofed with copper, something seen
elsewhere only on churches. There was a hippodrome with daily
spectacles,
summerhouses with fishponds, water organs and water clocks and a
zoological
garden. For the first and only time in his life Montaigne saw a pair of
ostriches, the female apparently busy with laying many eggs. A wooden
aqueduct
fed water into the wells, even delivered directly to a hand pump in the
home.
Montaigne was duly impressed. “One
of this family, dying a few years ago, left two solid
millions of French crowns to his heirs,” which
one must add, amounted to half of the remaining income of the Spanish
crown.
Monsieur
Montaigne would have preferred to remain anonymous, but his servants
blew the
cover and the magistrate gave Montaigne the VIP treatment. Supper
invitations,
free supply of victuals, an invitation to a wedding. It wiped the frown
off the
accountant’s face. From one of these invitations, Montaigne gives us
the
earliest description of a forerunner of the waltz. “The man kisses his hand to the lady; the
lady receives him without kissing hers, and then, putting his hand
under her
armpit, she embraces him, cheek to cheek and puts his right hand on her
shoulder.” This dance was called the ‘allemande.’ Montaigne
finally
bid his farewells and went on the road again. He arrived in Rome in
1581 and
had his audience with the pope.
During
his stay in Italy he received news that he had been elected mayor of
Bordeaux;
he served his term until 1585 and was a moderating influence in the
conflicts
between Catholics and Protestants. He continued to extend, revise, and
oversee
the publication of the Essays.
Montaigne died, at the age of 59 on his Château and was buried
nearby. His
heart is preserved in the parish church of Saint-Michel-de-Montaigne.
I have a wish: to visit Monsieur
Montaigne’s tower before I die, stand by the window and look down into
his garden – hopefully in September, when the pears turn yellow.
© – 3/29/2009 – by
michael sympson, 6,500 words,
all rights reserved