What Goethe couldn’t know
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It wouldn’t be worthwhile to live and work for
seventy years, if indeed everything were a mere vanity.
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Johann Wolfgand von
Goethe
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Johann Wolfgang von
Goethe (1749
– 1832) had a
wide scope of interests and invested into his
education, according to his own testimony, some $ 6,000,000 in modern
money.
Widely known for his poetry, for one very famous drama – "Faust" – and especially one
early
novel – The Sorrows of Young Werther – his more substantial
work has never became very popular.
Goethe wrote and directed a number of plays, dictated lengthy novels
which
should never have seen the light, and he excelled in fresh
observations on botany, paleontology,
and especially geology. He never carried it all together into one
system, but
with some justification Goethe can be seen as a forerunner of Charles
Darwin (1809
– 1882).
Unfortunately Goethe thought he
had to challenge Newton's (1643
– 1727)
authority and
despite some valuable insight into the physiology of color-vision, it
didn't do
much for Goethe's reputation in the scientific community ever since.
This is a
shame.
His travel diaries are
still a good read and his
autobiography Poetry & Truth is a monument of his
mother tongue. Throughout his life Goethe
produced essays of
biblical interpretation which antedate by half a century the "higher criticism" of a later period. The
essay on Moses is from the Essays and Notes to the West-Eastern
Divan (1819). The curious
introduction into the merits of
"faith," of course, can only be interpreted as the squid squirting
ink.
Goethe was not exactly a
freedom fighter; not even once
during his long life did he pull his considerable weight as prime
minister of a
German principality, or raised his voice on behalf of less fortunate
colleagues
in their daily struggle with censorship. Only among trusted friends
Goethe
dropped his guard and expressed his disgust with the two things that
displeased
him most: garlic and "the cross." He
was
quite capable to recognize religious faith for what it is: a kind of
desperate
tunnel vision; but he also thought this to be a necessary evil, keeping
"the mob" busy. Democracy was not exactly Goethe's thing.
In his essay about Moses,
the wide panoramic view and
political understanding are admirable. He presents a mythological
figure as a
child of the real world, a man who found support by a warlike nomadic
nation to
which he established dynastic bonds.
Outside of the Bible,
there is no direct evidence for Moses
or the Israelite exodus. The real Moses probably was a polytheist – as
everybody else in his time – who struck a treaty with Jethro's
Mideanite deity (Ex. 3:1) without refraining from
recourse to
a forerunner of Asclepius the Healer (Num. 21:9). There
is not a shred of archaeological evidence in the Sinai, which is
strange, if
the census figures given in Exodus and Leviticus were even remotely
correct. Such a huge mass of people does
leave traces of their migratory activities. One doesn’t need to read
Bishop
Colenso to realize that there would be not enough ground to stand on if
indeed all the people gathered at
the entrance
to the tent of the tabernacle. As Colenso had put it: "How many
would
the whole court have contained? Its area – 60 yards by 30 yards – was
1,800
square yards, and the area of the tabernacle itself – 18 yards by 6
yards—was
108 square yards. Hence the area of the court outside the tabernacle
was 1,692
square yards. But the 'whole congregation' would have made a body of
people nearly
20 miles – or, more accurately, 33,530 yards – long, and 18 feet wide;
that is
to say, packed closely together, they would have covered an area of
201,180
square yards. In fact, the court, when thronged, could only have held
5,000
people; whereas the able-bodied men alone exceeded 600,000. Even the
ministering Levites, 'from thirty to fifty years old,' were 8,580 in
number, (Num. 4:48) only
504 of these could have stood within the court in front of the
tabernacle, and
not two-thirds of them could have entered the court, if they had filled
it from
one end to the other. It is inconceivable how, under such
circumstances, ' all
the assembly,' the ' whole congregation,' could have been summoned to
attend
'at the door of the tabernacle,' by the express command of Almighty God." So if the biblical
census
figures have nothing to do with Exodus itself, then what is the
meaning of these numbers?
The Pentateuch in its present form is a
concoction done in Exile (580 – 538 BC). The exilic author
extrapolated his
census figures probably from the Babylonian census of taxpaying Jews
living in
the Diaspora. An other question is the date for the exodus.
The Bible-scholars’
favorite pharaoh of the exodus seems to
be Rameses II, (1184
–
1153 BC. or if David M. Rohl's redating is correct, between 940 – 920
BC.), which
doesn’t make any sense at
all. Secular archeologists and Biblical scholars agree on 1410 BC. as
the date
for Joshua's campaign, apparently without ever considering that it is
by at
least two centuries preceding Rameses II. Besides
Rameses the Great was completely in
control of the Sinai and Palestine and would not have allowed a tribal
chief to
piss into his backyard. So the “actual” Pharaoh can only have been a
member of
the 15th dynasty – perhaps Khamudi or rather his assailant Ahmose I (1552 – 1527 BC) which tallies well with
reported
migratory patterns and military actions in the Sinai, but not with
great
building projects, as Egypt was just recuperating from a century of
foreign
occupation.
Goethe already pointed
out the confused geography in the
narrative. Even now, in the age of satellite tracking, scholars admit
that they
have not a clue where some of the most crucial places are located. The
maps in
my Oxford Bible indicate two different locations for Mount Sinai: 400
miles
apart! On the other hand, for a
relatively small group of people, the prolonged sojourn over a period
of say
eight to ten years would make perfect sense: in the real world the
actual
exodus may have been a local incident
involving barely more than a few hundred
individuals.
Perhaps Moses' and
Caleb's band of guerrilla fighters were
in the habit of provocatively patrolling the Egyptian border as an
invitation
to the tribesmen who still remained in Egypt. Gradually this
demonstration may
have swelled the ranks of the terrorists and this eventually caused the
pharaoh
to take notice and send a brigade of chariots after them. The
expedition turned
out to be disastrous, which could have drawn even more lost souls to
Moses'
colors and ultimately have enabled the Israelite avant-garde to take
possession
of territories beyond the Jordan. All this is making perfect sense,
once we
dismiss the fantastic census figures. If only the archeology could
confirm it!
As it is, the novelistic exercise in Deuteronomy seems to have nothing to
do with
history at all! Instead the archaeologist will point out that there is
nothing
that seems to indicate an ethnic or cultural difference between the
indigenous
population of Canaan and the Hebrew “invaders” – the same DNA, the same
pottery, the same architecture – except for one thing: the absence of
pig bones
in the garbage dumps of presumably Hebrew settlements, confirming a
dietary
taboo. This taboo, however, is going back way before the advent of
Yahweh’s
religion.
So the whole story may
very well be a fantasy, a scheme
dreamed up by the exilic author, to blueprint a possible escape from
the
Babylonian overlord, suggesting a rather chilling course of action. No
matter
how we look at it: Exodus (12:29;
12:35) tells
the grim
story of the earliest act of sheer terrorism on record. Goethe draws a
comparison to the Sicilian Vesper and one really has to ask, what is
the feast
of atonement meant to atone for? Surely, if Passover commemorates the
escape
from Egyptian bondage, it also commemorates how this was accomplished.
The
blood of the lambs on the lintel was meant to be a sign for the Angel
of Death
to leave this house alone. Angels, however, know their own, it is
terrorists
who need directions.
Goethe presents Moses as
a captain of his people and
criticizes the man for his lack of leadership. I wonder. The exilic
author
clearly intended to depict Moses more as a charismatic shaman than a
politician
and strategist. He has him figure in Caleb's and Joshua's band as the
tribe’s
medicine man, feared for his magic powers and shunned as a fugitive
murderer
and terrorist by his own people (Ex. 2:12;
12:29; 12:35).
From a distance casting evil
spells on the enemy while Joshua and Caleb do the fighting (Ex. 17:8-11), Moses would instill in
his
followers a killing frenzy against their own people (Ex. 32:27), when he descended from
his
mountain. Of course I am speculating here. There is simply no evidence
for any
of the incidents reported. So what is left of the "historical kernel"
if we strip the literature to its bare bone of oral traditions?
I have a strong suspicion
that we are dealing here with a
folktale, a cycle of terse little stories and pithy sayings concerning
Moses
the fox, who defied kings and even made the gods dance to his tune, as
in Exodus (4:24),
which is quite different from the picture the exilic editors later
developed in
order to meet the demands by a different readership living in different
circumstances.
© – 5/26/2009 – by
michael sympson, 1,600 words, all rights
reserved